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正如前面的回顾所指出，刻板印象是从早年开始学习的并且很难改变。即使当人们遇见一个被刻板印象化的群体成员打破了该群体的刻板印象，他们经常继续通过分成副类来维持这种刻板印象(Judd, Park, & Wolsko, 2001; Kunda & Oleson, 1995; Richards & Hewstone, 2001; Weber & Crocker, 1983). 例如，当碰到一个犹太慈善家，怀有反犹太人刻板印象的人可能会通过创造一个“好犹太人”的副类来把慈善的犹太人与“爱钱的犹太人”区分开来。这种分成副类的结果是，刻板印象变得不受驳斥证据所渗透。
但是也不是所有的希望都落空了。当人们都有动机去这样作时，研究显示刻板印象能够被成功的减少，并且社会认知会变得更加准确 (Fiske, 2000; Neuberg, 1989; Sinclair & Kunda, 1999) 。 最有效的一个方法是具有同理心。单从外围团体成员的角度来看问题，和“通过他们的眼睛来看这个世界”，内部团体偏见和刻板印象的容易获得性能够显著降低(Galinsky & Moskowitz, 2000). 研究也发现定位的改变能够减少刻板印象的威胁。例如，一个有希望的实验发现当非裔美国大学生被鼓励把智商想做是可塑的而不是固定的，他们的成绩提高了，并且他们报告在教育过程中有更高的兴趣(Aronson, Fried, & Good, 2002).
即使是隐含的刻板印象也是可以被修正的(Blair, 2002). 例如，在一个对反刻板印象想象的效果的研究中，Irene Blair和她的同事发现人们在花几分钟想象一个强壮的女人后，隐含的性别刻板印象减少了(Blair, Ma, & Lenton, 2001). 同样的，Nilanjana Dasgupta 和Anthony Greenwald (2001)发现在人们被展示令人钦佩的黑种美国人和令人厌恶的白种美国人（如，Bill Cosby 和 Timothy McVeigh）的照片后，隐含联想测试上偏袒白人的偏见减少了。还有另外一个研究发现在学生们修了一门长达一学期的关于偏见和冲突的课程后，隐含的和外显的反黑人的偏见都减少了(Rudman, Ashmore, & Gary, 2001). 正如这些发现所显示，刻板印象也许是普遍的和持续的，但是当人们作出努力去减少它们，它们同样也是可以改变的。
III. 歧视
虽然许多国家在过去的50年里已经通过了民权立法，但是歧视在整个世界继续是一个严重的问题－即使是在公开肯定平等理想的民主国家。例如，这里举出了在美国被记录的几个歧视的例子：
传统上，对偏见和歧视的心理研究集中在多数民族群体成员的态度和行为上。当女性，少数民族成员，或者其它歧视的目标者被卷入的时候，他们的角色经常被置于外围－或者是偏见的对象（如，一个引发含有偏见反应的研究助理），或者是响应其它人的偏见的人(Shelton, 2000). 但是，从1990年代起，研究人员开始放更多的注意力在女性和少数民族身上，把他们视作选择和影响他们所在环境的主动行为者(Crocker, Major, & Steele, 1998; Feagin, 1994; Swim & Stangor, 1998).从这项研究得出的结果已经在许多方面丰富和扩大了这个领域。
把目标者的观点包含在研究中的一个明显的好处是它给人与人之间和社会团体之间的偏见，刻板印象，和歧视等提供了更加全面的了解。例如，当Joachim Krueger (1996)研究黑人和白人的个人信念时，他揭露了一个双方都持有的误解：两个群体的成员都低估了另一方喜爱他们的程度。事实上，Krueger发现黑人和白人各自想着，“我们喜欢他们，但是他们不喜欢我们，”一种给误解，怀疑，和冲突搭建舞台的信念。同样的，当Charles Judd和他的同事研究在美国的黑人和白人学生的种族态度时，他们发现了一个可以导致社会团体冲突的关键差异。黑人学生倾向于把种族视作他们身份的一个重要而且正面的部分，而白人学生则倾向认为与种族相关的课程和节目加强了分离主义(Judd, Park, Ryan, Brauer, & Kraus, 1995).要在这种分隔上架桥，每一边在平衡多元文化主义和无色主义的目标时，必须意识到这些观点上的不同。
研究目标者的观点的另一个好处是，它产生了关于暴露于偏见和歧视对心理和健康的影响的信息(Clark, Anderson, Clark, & Williams, 1999).例如，研究显示，黑人经历的歧视和自我报告的不良健康状况，较差的心理健康，和在前一个月卧床病假的日子相关(Williams, Yu, Jackson, & Anderson, 1997).研究也发现当他们置于刻板印象威胁的情况下(Blascovich, Spencer, Quinn, & Steele, 2001)，或者暴露于种族主义的事件或态度时(Armstead, Lawler, Gorden, Cross, & Gibbons, 1989; McNeilly, 1995), 黑人的血压升高，而且这种血压的上升在报告接受而不是挑战这些不公平待遇的黑人劳工阶层身上特别高(Krieger & Sidney, 1996).在后一项研究中，血压的差异在某些情况下与缺乏运动，吸烟，和不健康的饮食等情况相同或更大。
另外一个考虑目标者的观点的好处是它能够提出减少偏见，刻板印象，和歧视的有效方法。虽然研究人员因为害怕把减少偏见的负担从加害者转移到目标者，而不愿意对这个话题进行探讨，对目标者塑造与多数民族群体成员交往的能力的赏识在增加(Major, Quinton, McCoy, & Schmader, 2000).例如，Jennifer Eberhardt 和Susan Fiske (1996)推荐下列一些策略给想减少在工作上遇到歧视的雇员：
在1973年9月24日，一名来自加利福尼亚州的印第安酋长，身穿王袍，在罗马登陆并且宣称拥有意大利的主权，就如克里斯多福哥伦布大约500年前通过“发现权”宣布拥有美洲大陆一样。“我宣布今天是发现意大利日，”他说道。
酋长问道“当几千年来一直有人居住在美洲大陆，哥伦布有什么样的权利去发现它？那么我就有着同样的权利现在来意大利并且宣布发现你的国家。”
虽然纽约时报指这个宣言是“荒诞无稽的” (Krebs, 1973),但是该报纸的批评反而帮助解释了这位酋长的观点：当这个国家长时间以来有别的人居住，通过“发现权”来宣称对这个国家的占有是荒诞无稽的。这名酋长在他的宣称中所作的是，转变人们的观念并且邀请他们从美国印第安人的角度来看这个世界。
对同理心和角色扮演的研究显示这种观点的翻转能够减少偏见，刻板印象，和歧视(Batson et al., 1997; Galinsky & Moskowitz, 2000; McGregor, 1993; Stephan & Finlay, 1999). 的确，不论参与者的年龄，性别，和种族，训练同理心的活动似乎能减少偏见。(Aboud & Levy, 2000).另外，同理心有比较容易运用在多种情况下的实际优点。要成为对偏见的目标者有更多同理心的人，一个人唯一需要做的是，考虑问题如：在那种情况下我会有什么样的感受？，他们现在有什么样的感受？，或者为什么他们那样做？角色扮演的练习也被用来练习对偏见的意见有效的响应 (Plous, 2000).
另一个有力的减少偏见和歧视的方法是制定强制公平待遇的法律，法规，和社会规范(Oskamp, 2000).在心理学中，“规范”是特定情况下对可以接受的行为的期望和规则，研究表明即使只是一个人对反偏见规范的公开支持，也足够影响其它人向这个方向移动(Blanchard, Lilly, & Vaughn, 1991).此外，对反同性恋和反黑人偏见的研究发现个人对反偏见规范的支持能够左右怀有高度偏见以及那些怀有中度和低度偏见的人们的意见(Monteith, Deneen, & Tooman, 1996).当它关系到内部团体成员时，规范的信息尤其有力和持久。例如，当白人学生在一项研究中被告知他们的同学比他们想象的怀有更少的种族歧视观念，一个星期后这个规范的信息仍会继续产生降低偏见的效果(Stangor, Sechrist, & Jost, 2001).
当人们意识到他们的价值，态度，和行为的矛盾时，甚至可能对减少偏见有更长期且持久的效果。例如，Milton Rokeach (1971) 发现，当学生们大约花半小时思考他们的价值，态度，和行为与理想的社会公平原则之间的矛盾，一年之后他们表现出对民权更强烈的支持。这些结果与认知失调理论是一致的，该理论假定（1）持有心理上不调和想法的行为产生一种内在不适，或者失调的感觉，和（2）在任何可能的情况下，人们试图避免或减少这种失调的感觉(Festinger, 1957).根据这个分析，在Rokeach研究中的学生怀有如“我支持社会公平”和“我从来没有捐献过时间或金钱给民权组织”的矛盾的想法，并且通过寻求增加对民权的支持来减少这种失调的感觉。其它研究人员使用与失调相关的技术来减少反同性恋，反亚洲人，和反黑人的偏见(Hing, Li, & Zanna, 2002; Leippe & Eisenstadt, 1994; Monteith, 1993).
一个经过大量研究关于减少偏见的技巧是团体之间的接触(Hewstone & Brown, 1986). 在偏见的本质中，Gordon Allport (1954, 281页)假设：
有着这样程度上的支持，为什么团体之间的接触还没有把偏见从社会消除？使用接触去减少偏见的问题不是因为接触假设是错误的，而是很难满足Allport列出的条件。在许多现实世界的环境中，偏见之火是由地位不平等的两个团体之间的冲突和竞争所点燃的，例如以色列人和巴勒斯坦人，白人和黑人，或者长期公民和新移民(Esses, 1998; Levine & Campbell, 1972).在竞争和不平等地位的情况下，接触甚至能够增加偏见而不是减少它。例如，在对美国学校废止种族隔离期间和之后进行的研究的审核中，Walter Stephan (1986)发现百分之四十六的研究报告白人学生中偏见的增加，百分之十七报告偏见的减少，而余下的报告无变化。
关键是构思将会导致在追求共同目标中合作和互相依赖的交往情况，改变人们从“我们和他们”的分类转向“我们”的再分类 (Desforges et al., 1991; Dovidio & Gaertner, 1999; Sherif, Harvey, White, Hood, & Sherif, 1988).课堂研究发现合作学习技巧增加了各种种族和民族学生的自尊，士气，和同理心，并且在没有损害多数团体学生的情况下，也改善了少数团体学生的学业表现 (Aronson & Bridgeman, 1979).最早被研究的技巧之一，“锯齿拼图教室”，把学生分成小的，种族多样的工作组，每个学生都被给予关于被分配题目的关键信息（因此使得每个组员对于其它组员都是不可缺少的）。这个锯齿拼图技巧原来是为减少种族偏见而发展出来的，而几十年的研究证明，这对促进积极的种族间的接触非常有效(Aronson & Patnoe, 1997).
这篇回顾文章是从奥沙玛宾拉登所作的绝对偏见的声明开始的。虽然这些声明令人气馁，值得注意的是它们并不代表日常生活中最常见的偏见形式。大量的证据显示越来越少人怀有外显的顽固形式，并且公开表现偏见比以往更有可能受到谴责。因此，虽然恐怖主义，仇恨犯罪，和其它形式的狂热造成了严重的社会问题，大多数现代偏见的形式表现得更为隐诲。
同时，隐含的偏见本身呈现出严重挑战。从社会的角度来看，减少隐含的偏见形式比减少极端的偏见形式可能更加困难，不仅仅因为它们更加普遍，还因为它们由正常的思考过程中产生，倾向于更加模糊，并且常常发生于意识之外。正如在这篇回顾中的研究所表明，我们人种也许能被描述成“人种刻板印象”－一种有偏见，刻板印象，和歧视倾向的动物，但如果赋予动机，会是拥有克服这些偏见能力的动物(Blair, 2002; Fiske, 2000; Monteith & Voils, 2001).的确，也许从偏见研究得出最重要的结论是：（1）没有一个有人类思维和讲话能力的人能够对怀有偏见免疫；（2）通常要付出深思熟虑的努力和意识来减少偏见；和（3）只要有足够的动机，偏见能被减少。
減少刻板印象
正如前面的回顾所指出，刻板印象是从早年开始学习的并且很难改变。即使当人们遇见一个被刻板印象化的群体成员打破了该群体的刻板印象，他们经常继续通过分成副类来维持这种刻板印象(Judd, Park, & Wolsko, 2001; Kunda & Oleson, 1995; Richards & Hewstone, 2001; Weber & Crocker, 1983). 例如，当碰到一个犹太慈善家，怀有反犹太人刻板印象的人可能会通过创造一个“好犹太人”的副类来把慈善的犹太人与“爱钱的犹太人”区分开来。这种分成副类的结果是，刻板印象变得不受驳斥证据所渗透。
但是也不是所有的希望都落空了。当人们都有动机去这样作时，研究显示刻板印象能够被成功的减少，并且社会认知会变得更加准确 (Fiske, 2000; Neuberg, 1989; Sinclair & Kunda, 1999) 。 最有效的一个方法是具有同理心。单从外围团体成员的角度来看问题，和“通过他们的眼睛来看这个世界”，内部团体偏见和刻板印象的容易获得性能够显著降低(Galinsky & Moskowitz, 2000). 研究也发现定位的改变能够减少刻板印象的威胁。例如，一个有希望的实验发现当非裔美国大学生被鼓励把智商想做是可塑的而不是固定的，他们的成绩提高了，并且他们报告在教育过程中有更高的兴趣(Aronson, Fried, & Good, 2002).
即使是隐含的刻板印象也是可以被修正的(Blair, 2002). 例如，在一个对反刻板印象想象的效果的研究中，Irene Blair和她的同事发现人们在花几分钟想象一个强壮的女人后，隐含的性别刻板印象减少了(Blair, Ma, & Lenton, 2001). 同样的，Nilanjana Dasgupta 和Anthony Greenwald (2001)发现在人们被展示令人钦佩的黑种美国人和令人厌恶的白种美国人（如，Bill Cosby 和 Timothy McVeigh）的照片后，隐含联想测试上偏袒白人的偏见减少了。还有另外一个研究发现在学生们修了一门长达一学期的关于偏见和冲突的课程后，隐含的和外显的反黑人的偏见都减少了(Rudman, Ashmore, & Gary, 2001). 正如这些发现所显示，刻板印象也许是普遍的和持续的，但是当人们作出努力去减少它们，它们同样也是可以改变的。
III. 歧视
虽然许多国家在过去的50年里已经通过了民权立法，但是歧视在整个世界继续是一个严重的问题－即使是在公开肯定平等理想的民主国家。例如，这里举出了在美国被记录的几个歧视的例子：
- 根据美国医药学会对100多项研究的一篇评估，歧视成为卫生保健上的种族差异和少数民族因癌症，心脏疾病，糖尿病，和爱滋病等引起更高的死亡率的因素(Smedley, Stith, & Nelson, 2002).
- 西班牙人和黑人比白人平均多花费3000美元找和买同样的房子 (Yinger, 1995),因同样的罪却经常受到比白人更苛刻的犯罪判决(Mauer, 1999), 并且一般而言比同等资格的白人求职者更少可能被雇用(Turner, Fix, & Struyk, 1991).
- 男性每赚一美元，女性平均只赚76美分(Bowler, 1999)，并且面临着严重的就业歧视以致于最近的和解费达到几百万美元(Molotsky, 2000; Truell, 1997)。
- 一项美国司法部门的研究发现在百分之九十八被调查的住宅社区违反社区需提供给残疾人士的残疾设施的规定(Belluck, 1997).
从目标者的观点来看偏见和歧视
传统上，对偏见和歧视的心理研究集中在多数民族群体成员的态度和行为上。当女性，少数民族成员，或者其它歧视的目标者被卷入的时候，他们的角色经常被置于外围－或者是偏见的对象（如，一个引发含有偏见反应的研究助理），或者是响应其它人的偏见的人(Shelton, 2000). 但是，从1990年代起，研究人员开始放更多的注意力在女性和少数民族身上，把他们视作选择和影响他们所在环境的主动行为者(Crocker, Major, & Steele, 1998; Feagin, 1994; Swim & Stangor, 1998).从这项研究得出的结果已经在许多方面丰富和扩大了这个领域。
把目标者的观点包含在研究中的一个明显的好处是它给人与人之间和社会团体之间的偏见，刻板印象，和歧视等提供了更加全面的了解。例如，当Joachim Krueger (1996)研究黑人和白人的个人信念时，他揭露了一个双方都持有的误解：两个群体的成员都低估了另一方喜爱他们的程度。事实上，Krueger发现黑人和白人各自想着，“我们喜欢他们，但是他们不喜欢我们，”一种给误解，怀疑，和冲突搭建舞台的信念。同样的，当Charles Judd和他的同事研究在美国的黑人和白人学生的种族态度时，他们发现了一个可以导致社会团体冲突的关键差异。黑人学生倾向于把种族视作他们身份的一个重要而且正面的部分，而白人学生则倾向认为与种族相关的课程和节目加强了分离主义(Judd, Park, Ryan, Brauer, & Kraus, 1995).要在这种分隔上架桥，每一边在平衡多元文化主义和无色主义的目标时，必须意识到这些观点上的不同。
研究目标者的观点的另一个好处是，它产生了关于暴露于偏见和歧视对心理和健康的影响的信息(Clark, Anderson, Clark, & Williams, 1999).例如，研究显示，黑人经历的歧视和自我报告的不良健康状况，较差的心理健康，和在前一个月卧床病假的日子相关(Williams, Yu, Jackson, & Anderson, 1997).研究也发现当他们置于刻板印象威胁的情况下(Blascovich, Spencer, Quinn, & Steele, 2001)，或者暴露于种族主义的事件或态度时(Armstead, Lawler, Gorden, Cross, & Gibbons, 1989; McNeilly, 1995), 黑人的血压升高，而且这种血压的上升在报告接受而不是挑战这些不公平待遇的黑人劳工阶层身上特别高(Krieger & Sidney, 1996).在后一项研究中，血压的差异在某些情况下与缺乏运动，吸烟，和不健康的饮食等情况相同或更大。
另一个重要的好处
另外一个考虑目标者的观点的好处是它能够提出减少偏见，刻板印象，和歧视的有效方法。虽然研究人员因为害怕把减少偏见的负担从加害者转移到目标者，而不愿意对这个话题进行探讨，对目标者塑造与多数民族群体成员交往的能力的赏识在增加(Major, Quinton, McCoy, & Schmader, 2000).例如，Jennifer Eberhardt 和Susan Fiske (1996)推荐下列一些策略给想减少在工作上遇到歧视的雇员：
- 基于人类分类思维的倾向，试图激活其它人以正面的方式把你归类（如，通过增加如“受教育的”或“经理”等正面类别的显著性）。
- 强调共同的目标，相同的命运，和与多数民族群体成员在其它领域的相似性，以至于他们认同你，并把你看作独立的个体而不只是一个刻板印象中的外围团体成员。
- 在谈话，会议，和政策声明中，提醒多数民族群体成员你们共同拥有的价值观，如公平感，人们才能受到鼓励去采取与这些价值观一致的行动。
- 当多数民族群体成员表现出公平和平等的行为时，称赞他们，这样做同时加强他们的行为并且建立积极的行为标准。
- 如果可能，试图避免与极其可能怀有偏见和刻板印象的多数民族群体成员的交往：他们是那些压力大或者困恼的，最近自尊受到打击的，感觉被威胁或不安全的，或者表现出僵固思考方式或高度社会支配取向征象的人。
正如Janet Swim 和Charles Stangor (1998, 6页)在他们的偏见：目标者的观点书中写道，思考目标者的经验不仅改进了对偏见的研究品质，并且“让目标者群体说出心声，验证了他们的经历，帮助指出他们独特的长处和弱点，而且能够潜在的增加对今天社会里偏见目标者的同理心。”
减少偏见和歧视
在1973年9月24日，一名来自加利福尼亚州的印第安酋长，身穿王袍，在罗马登陆并且宣称拥有意大利的主权，就如克里斯多福哥伦布大约500年前通过“发现权”宣布拥有美洲大陆一样。“我宣布今天是发现意大利日，”他说道。
酋长问道“当几千年来一直有人居住在美洲大陆，哥伦布有什么样的权利去发现它？那么我就有着同样的权利现在来意大利并且宣布发现你的国家。”
虽然纽约时报指这个宣言是“荒诞无稽的” (Krebs, 1973),但是该报纸的批评反而帮助解释了这位酋长的观点：当这个国家长时间以来有别的人居住，通过“发现权”来宣称对这个国家的占有是荒诞无稽的。这名酋长在他的宣称中所作的是，转变人们的观念并且邀请他们从美国印第安人的角度来看这个世界。
对同理心和角色扮演的研究显示这种观点的翻转能够减少偏见，刻板印象，和歧视(Batson et al., 1997; Galinsky & Moskowitz, 2000; McGregor, 1993; Stephan & Finlay, 1999). 的确，不论参与者的年龄，性别，和种族，训练同理心的活动似乎能减少偏见。(Aboud & Levy, 2000).另外，同理心有比较容易运用在多种情况下的实际优点。要成为对偏见的目标者有更多同理心的人，一个人唯一需要做的是，考虑问题如：在那种情况下我会有什么样的感受？，他们现在有什么样的感受？，或者为什么他们那样做？角色扮演的练习也被用来练习对偏见的意见有效的响应 (Plous, 2000).
另一个有力的减少偏见和歧视的方法是制定强制公平待遇的法律，法规，和社会规范(Oskamp, 2000).在心理学中，“规范”是特定情况下对可以接受的行为的期望和规则，研究表明即使只是一个人对反偏见规范的公开支持，也足够影响其它人向这个方向移动(Blanchard, Lilly, & Vaughn, 1991).此外，对反同性恋和反黑人偏见的研究发现个人对反偏见规范的支持能够左右怀有高度偏见以及那些怀有中度和低度偏见的人们的意见(Monteith, Deneen, & Tooman, 1996).当它关系到内部团体成员时，规范的信息尤其有力和持久。例如，当白人学生在一项研究中被告知他们的同学比他们想象的怀有更少的种族歧视观念，一个星期后这个规范的信息仍会继续产生降低偏见的效果(Stangor, Sechrist, & Jost, 2001).
当人们意识到他们的价值，态度，和行为的矛盾时，甚至可能对减少偏见有更长期且持久的效果。例如，Milton Rokeach (1971) 发现，当学生们大约花半小时思考他们的价值，态度，和行为与理想的社会公平原则之间的矛盾，一年之后他们表现出对民权更强烈的支持。这些结果与认知失调理论是一致的，该理论假定（1）持有心理上不调和想法的行为产生一种内在不适，或者失调的感觉，和（2）在任何可能的情况下，人们试图避免或减少这种失调的感觉(Festinger, 1957).根据这个分析，在Rokeach研究中的学生怀有如“我支持社会公平”和“我从来没有捐献过时间或金钱给民权组织”的矛盾的想法，并且通过寻求增加对民权的支持来减少这种失调的感觉。其它研究人员使用与失调相关的技术来减少反同性恋，反亚洲人，和反黑人的偏见(Hing, Li, & Zanna, 2002; Leippe & Eisenstadt, 1994; Monteith, 1993).
接触假设
一个经过大量研究关于减少偏见的技巧是团体之间的接触(Hewstone & Brown, 1986). 在偏见的本质中，Gordon Allport (1954, 281页)假设：
偏见（除非深植于个人的性格结构）可以经由多数群体和少数群体在追求共同目标的过程中以平等地位接触而减少。如果这种接触受到机构认可的支持（如，法律，传统习惯或地方风气），并且如果这种接触是一种会导致两个群体成员对他们之间共同兴趣和共同人性的认知，这种效果就会大为增强。这个论点，现在被广泛所知为“接触假设”，已经得到了广大的研究支持。在一篇对来自25个国家－有90，000参与者－的203项研究的审核中，Thomas Pettigrew 和 Linda Tropp (2000) 发现百分之九十四的研究支持这个接触假设（即，在百分之九十四的时间里，当团体之间接触增加时，偏见减少了）。
有着这样程度上的支持，为什么团体之间的接触还没有把偏见从社会消除？使用接触去减少偏见的问题不是因为接触假设是错误的，而是很难满足Allport列出的条件。在许多现实世界的环境中，偏见之火是由地位不平等的两个团体之间的冲突和竞争所点燃的，例如以色列人和巴勒斯坦人，白人和黑人，或者长期公民和新移民(Esses, 1998; Levine & Campbell, 1972).在竞争和不平等地位的情况下，接触甚至能够增加偏见而不是减少它。例如，在对美国学校废止种族隔离期间和之后进行的研究的审核中，Walter Stephan (1986)发现百分之四十六的研究报告白人学生中偏见的增加，百分之十七报告偏见的减少，而余下的报告无变化。
关键是构思将会导致在追求共同目标中合作和互相依赖的交往情况，改变人们从“我们和他们”的分类转向“我们”的再分类 (Desforges et al., 1991; Dovidio & Gaertner, 1999; Sherif, Harvey, White, Hood, & Sherif, 1988).课堂研究发现合作学习技巧增加了各种种族和民族学生的自尊，士气，和同理心，并且在没有损害多数团体学生的情况下，也改善了少数团体学生的学业表现 (Aronson & Bridgeman, 1979).最早被研究的技巧之一，“锯齿拼图教室”，把学生分成小的，种族多样的工作组，每个学生都被给予关于被分配题目的关键信息（因此使得每个组员对于其它组员都是不可缺少的）。这个锯齿拼图技巧原来是为减少种族偏见而发展出来的，而几十年的研究证明，这对促进积极的种族间的接触非常有效(Aronson & Patnoe, 1997).
结论
这篇回顾文章是从奥沙玛宾拉登所作的绝对偏见的声明开始的。虽然这些声明令人气馁，值得注意的是它们并不代表日常生活中最常见的偏见形式。大量的证据显示越来越少人怀有外显的顽固形式，并且公开表现偏见比以往更有可能受到谴责。因此，虽然恐怖主义，仇恨犯罪，和其它形式的狂热造成了严重的社会问题，大多数现代偏见的形式表现得更为隐诲。
同时，隐含的偏见本身呈现出严重挑战。从社会的角度来看，减少隐含的偏见形式比减少极端的偏见形式可能更加困难，不仅仅因为它们更加普遍，还因为它们由正常的思考过程中产生，倾向于更加模糊，并且常常发生于意识之外。正如在这篇回顾中的研究所表明，我们人种也许能被描述成“人种刻板印象”－一种有偏见，刻板印象，和歧视倾向的动物，但如果赋予动机，会是拥有克服这些偏见能力的动物(Blair, 2002; Fiske, 2000; Monteith & Voils, 2001).的确，也许从偏见研究得出最重要的结论是：（1）没有一个有人类思维和讲话能力的人能够对怀有偏见免疫；（2）通常要付出深思熟虑的努力和意识来减少偏见；和（3）只要有足够的动机，偏见能被减少。
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