THE ORIGINS OF ATTACHMENT THEORY: JOHN BOWLBY AND MARY AINSWORTH
作者: INGE BRETHERTON / 35889次阅读 时间: 2011年4月24日
来源: Developmental Psychology (1992), 28, 759-775.
www.psychspace.com心理学空间网心理学空间 iw3L&}5V%nZ3_

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csc @;xHF0Currently, attachment theory and research are moving forward along several major fronts, 心理学空间&wDz2[0YdA0L6{ R
inspired by the second and third volumes of Bowlby’s attachment trilogy, by methodological 心理学空间J+| Xk+U*g}0]1C
advances, and by the infusion into attachment theory of complementary theoretical perspectives. 心理学空间8mZ:p'G's.nK KF

c F;a G4W6[4T0r[4[0Attachment and Representation 心理学空间/g/n-y dB
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As a result of Mary Main’s Berkeley study (Main, Kaplan, & Cassidy, 1985) and, I think, the 心理学空间'O!a)cs&U$O3k9o

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publication of the Society for Research in Child Development Monograph, Growing Points of
r ~_a8c0Attachment Theory and Research (Bretherton & Waters, 1985), we are now beginning to 心理学空间l'dp(p lVHm6K%wz
empirically explore the psychological, internal, or representational aspects of attachment, including
,f3j T6a P7Zwg0the intergenerational transmission of attachment patterns that had been at the center of
l/[g9Z4YZMx)kB0Bowlby’s interests since his beginnings in psychiatry but that are most clearly elaborated in
\3l.Y3~\ W6?oK{0volumes 2 and 3 of the attachment trilogy (see Bretherton, 1987, 1990, 1991).
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Interestingly, an additional source of inspiration for the study of internal working models
$k5Y3Y [Co&GE9f0came from attempts to translate Ainsworth’s infant- mother attachment patterns into corresponding
!M(jxkPqu0adult patterns. in the Adult Attachment Interview (George, Kaplan, & Main, 1984; Main & 心理学空间5};|z$I-n ]u J
Goldwyn, in press), parents were asked open-ended questions about their attachment relations in 心理学空间/?2jE&|ox'F|n B
childhood and about the influence of these early relations on their own development. Three 心理学空间D4]9gC2^&q\HD
distinct patterns of responding were identified: Autonomous-secure parents gave a clear and
!Y5~ ~0X%h%H`S0coherent account of early attachments (whether these had been satisfying or not); preoccupied 心理学空间8eE(}(i&e.UB:yP;S
parents spoke of many conflicted childhood memories about attachment but did not draw them
A }t)_3L|2A*]7K0together into an organized, consistent picture; and, finally, dismissing parents were characterized 心理学空间%y'l:r:VE6M:Tv
by an inability to remember much about attachment relations in childhood. In some of the 心理学空间2k%nP+P;t;Tr}
dismissing interviews, parents’ parents were idealized on a general level, hut influences of early 心理学空间LH$b o+N+L7tz
attachment experiences on later development were denied. Specific memories, when they did
0I8|"QB6\0occur, suggested episodes of rejection. 心理学空间TgjQ ~-h1N7tS

&@h7RN(E._*BO^!P0Not only did the Adult Attachment Interview classifications correspond to Ainsworth’s
U]k[Fu0secure, ambivalent, and avoidant infant patterns at a conceptual level, but adult patterns were also 心理学空间HByX4U`'Ts
empirically correlated with infant patterns (e.g., a dismissing parent tended to have an avoidant 心理学空间 uBD;~W#is I/L0t
infant; Main & Goldwyn, in press). These findings have since been validated for prenatally 心理学空间_~'~ wr
administered interviews by Fonagy, Steele, and Steele (1991) and by Ward et al. (1990). 心理学空间f'Q#M]9i&O*lqk
Consonant findings were also obtained in a study of young adults in which Adult Attachment
%Ue.@cm5Y0Interview classifications were correlated with peer reports (Kobak & Sceery, 1988). 心理学空间7aJ*B1p { |'n
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In addition, representational measures of attachment have been devised for use with 心理学空间:~.PZ2F#RqgY-^
children. A pictorial separation anxiety test for adolescents, developed by Hansburg (1972), was
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adapted for younger children by Klagsbrun and Bowlby (1976) and more recently revised and 心理学空间jfu j Er4A0E
validated against observed attachment patterns by Kaplan (1984) and Slough and Greenberg
LcPxb'hl0rf4g0(1991) Likewise, attachment-based doll story completion tasks for preschoolers were validated 心理学空间 [3AH#j+J+P~
against behavioral measures by Bretherton, Ridgeway, and Cassidy (1990) and Cassidy (1988). In 心理学空间]Q9k&m;CdT
these tests, emotionally open responding tended to be associated with secure attachment 心理学空间cY_ NR5M
classifications or related behaviors. 心理学空间&c)K5Y\%v

h ~ mkW \0Finally, several authors have created interviews that examine attachment from the parental
i5t U#xaM,t1a0as opposed to the filial perspective (e.g., Bretherton, Biringen, Ridgeway, Maslin, & Sherman,
WgU|xL01989; George & Solomon, 1989). In addition, Waters and Q-sort that can be used to assess a
)vK,oA4Y0mother’s internal working models of her child’s attachment to her.
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h F,cU(@0Attachment Across the Life Span
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A related topic, attachment relationships between adults, began in the early 1970s, with 心理学空间%nX*@ ]3Q\X
studies of adult bereavement (Bowlby & Parkes, 1970; Parkes, 1972) and marital separation 心理学空间*RN9[ @5^$Wh%yz
(Weiss, 1973, 1977). More recently, interest in adult attachments has broadened to encompass 心理学空间8ba8Y&v {\)G r%@
marital relationships (Weiss, 1982, 1991) and has taken a further upsurge with work by Shaver 心理学空间cM!uvj
and Hazan (1988), who translated Ainsworth’s infant attachment patterns into adult patterns, 心理学空间'n2Gzo_ c]~
pointing out that adults who describe themselves as secure, avoidant, or ambivalent with respect
AoG_N:z0to romantic relationships report differing patterns of parent-child relationships in their families of
jm1H*X`dA&_0origin. Finally, Cicirelli (1989, 1991) has applied attachment theory to the study of middle-aged
(Y^/l-y$HjEU0siblings and their elderly parents. Much future work will be needed to delineate more fully the 心理学空间;e:sT`-v t7A%_*?%l$~
distinct qualities of child-adult, child-child, and adult-adult attachment relationships (see
'V3d0]0[qFv0Ainsworth, 1989), as well as their interplay within the family system, a task begun by Byng-Hall 心理学空间K9Zh.x bcU;eTv0n
(1985) and Marvin and Stewart (1990),
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Attachment and Developmental Psychopathology
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Attachment theory and research are also making a notable impact on the emerging field of
.A'~W%ng QV0developmental psychopathology (Sroufe, 1988), with longitudinal attachment-based studies of
%Rv$G {hjq-L@td0families with depression (Radke-Yarrow, Cummings, Kuczinsky, & Chapman, 1985), of families 心理学空间S wq E3Hod4W m
with maltreatment (e.g., Cicchetti & Barnett, 1991; Crittenden, 1983; Schneider-Rosen, Braunwald, 心理学空间-Q*N/bGU$T
Carlson, & Cicchetti, 1985), and of clinical interventions in families with low social support 心理学空间9b ?a-SX$~/a

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(Lieberman & Pawl, 1988; Spieker & Booth, 1988) and with behavior-problem children
R0m Pm3\:K)Lxz;u0(Greenberg & Speltz, 1988). Much of this work is represented in a volume on clinical
q(e/U'X#Q1g"q0implications of attachment (Belsky & Nezworski, 1988). These topics hark back to Bowlby’s 心理学空间7Gi#a&{v7v
seminal ideas from the 1930s, but they have been greatly enriched by Mary Ainsworth’s notions
"Cg(Kx&P;VB0on the origins of individual differences of attachment patterns. 心理学空间~"h6h8OdV ut
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The Ecology of Attachment
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5s N'OP'\N"afv0Although we have made progress in examining mother-child attachment, much work needs
)r*~I3V"yBl0to he done with respect to studying attachment in the microsystem of family relationships
"~|+JKD@gahf0(Bronfenbrenner, 1979). Despite studies by Belsky, Gilstrap, and Rovine (1984), Lamb (1978),
}*}8On%X&bfpP0and Parke and Tinsley (1987) that show fathers to be competent, if sometimes less than fully 心理学空间DtU ko5b;XDs
participant attachment figures, we still have much to learn regarding father attachment. Another
!H,R%?6C\\XY0important topic, sibling attachment, has been tackled by a few researchers (e.g., Stewart &
RD0R(UWl0Marvin, 1984; Teti & Ablard, 1989), but triadic studies of attachment relationships (modeled on
,n+ezEp5U![~#K0Dunn, 1988) are sorely lacking. Especially crucial are attachment-theoretic studies of loyalty 心理学空间5C%~"bCHzQ#W z9|
conflicts, alliances by a dyad vis-a-vis a third family member, and enmeshment of a child in the
%s@)~*UALJ0spousal dyad, as exemplified in a report by Fish, Belsky, and Youngblade (1991) in which 心理学空间k nxR.d2z\ G
insecure attachment in infancy was associated with inappropriate involvement in spousal decision-心理学空间M \U YVq8c5^
making at 4 years of age. Finally, the interrelations of child temperament and developing
0HM6Ve`E9z` l1^k&L"t k0attachment relationships with other family members remain conceptually unclear despite intensive 心理学空间r{RF-NE(C v6d
research efforts (Belsky & Rovine, 1987; Sroufe, 1985). 心理学空间;Bg|.[%H _+ja

#K@qYNA0The documentation of family and social network factors as they affect attachment relations
2O1aECyMv&Y0(e.g., Belsky & Isabella, 1988; Belsky, Rovine, & Taylor, 1984) has been more successful. In the
lome.c|;ai0Pennsylvania project, attachment quality at the end of the first year was predictable from relative 心理学空间:^z JT(g pe-z,k
changes in levels of marital satisfaction after the child’s birth, as well as from parental satisfaction 心理学空间 K n)G;u F7ak
with social support, hut not its frequency. 心理学空间 C%hv'e-o'L5N5Z8t{7T \

Hd-?/D.s0An ecological perspective also calls for an examination of issues related to dual-worker
{ z2eK @e0families, especially in view of the continued sex/gender differentiation of parenting. Some feminist 心理学空间$B"q4^H2W9w
theorists have interpreted attachment theory as supporting the traditional view of women as 心理学空间 m"ZQ[:yg
primary caregivers (Chodorow, 1978; Johnson, 1988). This is not strictly justified, because 心理学空间4z%T#`F v.?ov\zo

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Z ]1e} m;R)fd0attachment theory does not specify that caregiving must be done by mothers or be restricted to 心理学空间 exaj9C7W(A
females (Marris, 1982), Most central to healthy development, according to attachment theory, is
#tP4KS,^F%} X0infants’ need for a committed caregiving relationship with one or a few adult figures. Although 心理学空间z*`k1Jfn)W
the majority of attachment studies have focused on mothers because mothers tend to fill this role
/v? aFTKY9i0most often, we do have evidence that infants can he attached to a hierarchy of figures, including
9Cw Q[7S7a1O*X0fathers, grandparents, and siblings (Schaffer & Emerson, 1964), as well as to day-care providers 心理学空间}"rX/dH n u/\$|
(Howes, Rodning, Galuzzo, & Myers, 1988). However, our knowledge about the range of
:Q\4|%}7O-]0societal options for successfully sharing the task of bringing up children is still woefully
/_{,pR V0{8hG0inadequate. The recent spate of studies documenting an increased risk of insecure attachment if
6aQ9shX}e0day care begins in the first year and is extensive in duration (Belsky & Rovine, 1988; Belsky &
sP9}4|g0Braungart, 1991) is worrisome and needs resolution. Cross-cultural studies of attachment and
^+?5Rf~/XA"E0nonparental care in countries such as Sweden and Israel may ultimately provide more reliable
lLRrd!}Tr0answers. 心理学空间A;CQ2@m5e
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Cross-Cultural Studies 心理学空间0W:|r?/PNX5o
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Moving from family and other social networks to the larger societal matrix, we find that
LSq{$qp;`P0studies of Strange Situation classifications in other cultures have sparked a lively debate on their
2Q\Jn&m0universal versus culture-specific meaning. in a north German study, avoidant classifications were
*A3@Qd*a$pL0overrepresented (Grossmann, Grossmann, Spangler, Suess, & Unzner, 1985), whereas ambivalent
:|z&P1_'M5v0classifications were more frequent than expected in Israeli kibbutzim (Sagi et al., 1985) and 心理学空间hxu1Nh0g
in Japan (Miyake, Chen, & Campos, 1985).
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j%{[\D*Jyx6}(b0Initially, these findings were interpreted in purely cultural terms. Thus, Grossmann et al. 心理学空间&X+[/`"ML{
(1985) proposed that the high incidence of avoidant infants in Germany should be attributed not
6JMu;auJk0to parental rejection, hut rather to a greater parental push toward infants’ independence. 心理学空间 r)x n3C^4H Z1V
Similarly, the high frequency of ambivalent classifications observed in Israeli kibbutzim and Japan 心理学空间[9B!T6d0`u
was attributed to underexposure to strangers (Miyake et al., 1985; Sagi et al., 1985). Though
6HW"CU`N.BDUh0persuasive on the surface, these explanations were not based on systematic assessments of 心理学空间ke _*?{'y I1Gx
parental beliefs and culturally guided practices. 心理学空间-SD.i2H/G:Z
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More recently, van Ijzendoorn and Kroonenberg (1988) examined the frequency distributions
([+Qw&U\\0of Strange Situation classifications from over a thousand U.S. and cross-national studies, 心理学空间1dQ0M BX^.}l
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pointing out that valid conclusions about cross-national differences should not be drawn from 心理学空间?pJY%D3\a w C
single samples. In addition, intercorrelational patterns of home and Strange Situation behavior in
Q HQ-Bb]!I0north Germany (Grossmann et al., 1985) closely resembled those in the Ainsworth’s Baltimore 心理学空间.c8{%l(Q'k ~#M{
study, at least in part undermining a purely cultural interpretation. Likewise, Sagi, Aviezer, 心理学空间-r^ I oN$O3M7X#{
Mayseless, Donnell, and Joels (1991) attribute the abundance of ambivalent classifications to 心理学空间KML(s2n[1Q
specific nighttime caregiving arrangements in the kibbutzim they studied, rather than fewer
Op%O} QadoD0experiences with strangers. Taken in combination, these findings suggest that Strange Situation
|~\\%@0classifications, and hence the concept of parental sensitivity, may have more cross-cultural 心理学空间.IO W;z'b7@LTB
validity in industrialized nations than was initially believed, hut the issue is by no means resolved. 心理学空间|(rW#C s`
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Systematic work on the more fascinating topic of how different cultures-especially non-
g A8vt9K^2?0Western cultures-fit attachment behaviors and relationships into their overall social organization
-p `*W+@!|-B"]0has barely begun. There are, however, some tantalizing hints in the ethnographic literature (see
.~~K6G!b'QD]0Bretherton, 1985, for a review). For example, the Micronesian society of Tikopia (Firth, 1936)
"{$x4|`,j!k6I1{0deliberately fosters attachment between an infant and its maternal uncle by prescribing face-toface 心理学空间H:jR T|6i6r
talk with the infant on a regular basis. This maternal uncle is destined to play an important 心理学空间mb6aKK
quasi-parental role in the life of the child. Along somewhat different lines, Balinese mothers 心理学空间N7}j)Q!C(`]$i
control their infants’ exploratory behavior by using fake fear expressions to bring the infants back
|qBxK/F0into close proximity to them (Bateson & Mead, 1942). In both cultures, a biological system is
j'TZ8CW0molded to a particular society’s purposes (by fostering specific relationships or controlling
@7e/t2yc[1[,^'_0exploration). 心理学空间3jM!g^ ]*}

J%md8VU sO(L+w0a:zE0A recent study of parent-infant attachment among the Efe begins to provide systematic 心理学空间3c~y {wl.?K6oF
information in this area. The Efe, a semi-nomadic people, live in the African rain forest, subsisting 心理学空间Zv;X{ ]Xi
on foraging, horticulture, and hunting (Tronick, Winn, & Morelli, 1985). Young Efe infants 心理学空间R"G Hn6JO
receive more care (including nursing) from other adult women than from their own mother,
7n]5n/? PIUcm!k0except at night. Despite this multiple mothering system, by 6 months, infants begin to insist on a
0hl;g |9G;} H0more focalized relationship with their own mothers, although other female caregivers continue to 心理学空间bC M4[al$D+d
play a significant role. Tronick et al. attributed Efe practices to their living arrangements, with 心理学空间%Z$|-|T g:Gkd
closely spaced dwellings that offer little privacy and that make cooperation and sharing highly
!u`5ao)]!S y!O.`0valued behaviors. In sum, attachment behavior is heavily overlain with cultural prescriptions, even
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q;PW)H6Y0in a society that much more closely resembles the conditions of human evolution than our own.
to-{Y LD:x~9DN[0To better explore such cultural variations in attachment organization attachment researchers need 心理学空间t\QF.m d5s"a
to develop ecologically valid, theory-driven measures, tailored to specific cultures and based on a 心理学空间(z+v+k-| |{}
deeper knowledge of parents’ and children’s culture-specific folk theories about family relationships
$U)DLg9zS-J9u]0and attachment. 心理学空间,qbrE)[!y5r{d5n"I

&X1`kML(o dV0Attachment and Public Policy
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Cultural differences in the regulation of attachment behaviors raise important questions
$M6_c!u R$a0about the value diverse societies place on attachment relations. In a thought-provoking chapter, 心理学空间 ?;T{.b&B3j8xD
Marris (1991) points to the fundamental tension between the desire to create a secure and
4w"d.s4o!U7Ey5A%W0predictable social order and the desire to maximize one’s own opportunities at the expense of 心理学空间w v$euM5_/gj*U
others. A good society, according to Marris, would he one which, as far as is humanly possible, 心理学空间 ZO-[_B ?$HA.f
minimizes disruptive events, protects each child’s experience of attachment from harm, and 心理学空间6tix'xY6d;qot
supports family coping. Yet, in order to control uncertainty, individuals and families are tempted 心理学空间eC4VB2An/?
to achieve certainty at the expense of others (i.e., by imposing a greater burden of uncertainty on 心理学空间m*kWR]/B~~(f5BQ aA
them or by providing fewer material and social resources). When powerful groups in society
R4MF4p$],C|@h0promote their own control over life circumstances by subordinating and marginalizing others, 心理学空间*E~iih f m
they make it less possible for these groups to offer and experience security in their own families. 心理学空间,}8w6u_ h}k:gB,M
Valuing of attachment relations thus has public policy and moral implications for society, not just
sx(f'Ke{t*^0psychological implications for attachment dyads. This brings me hack to one of Bowlby’s early
yk.{u\4?+n.iR(b0statements:
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“If a community values its children it must cherish their parents” (Bowlby, 1951, p. 84). 心理学空间'Q_j0oM$]5g
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