The preceding discussion has definite consequences for the perception of identity and difference between the characteristics of different persons. Of these the most significant for theory is the proposition that a given trait in two different persons may not be the same trait, and, contrariwise, that two different traits may be functionally identical in two different persons. We turn now to an investigation of some conditions which determine similarity and difference between personal qualities.
Experiment X
I. The group has before it Sets 1, 2, 3, and 4 with instructions to state (I) which of the other three sets most resembles Set 1, and (2) which most resembles Set 2.
SET 1: quick, skillful, helpful
SET 2: quick, clumsy, helpful
SET 3: slow, skillfull, helpful
SET 4: slow, clumsy, helpful
One quality—"helpful"—remains constant in all sets. The other two qualities appear in their positive form in Set 1, and are changed to their opposites singly and together in the three other sets. A remarkable uniformity appears in the findings, reported in Table 12.
Set 1 is equated with Set 3 in 87 per cent of the cases, while its similarity to Set 2 is reported in only 13 per cent of the cases. Similarly, Set 2 is asserted to resemble Set 4 in 85 per cent of the cases, while the resemblance to Set 1 drops to 9 per cent.
The choice of similar sets cannot in this case be determined merely on the basis of the number of "identical elements," for on this criterion Sets 2 and 3 are equally similar to 1, while Sets 1 and 4 are equally similar to 2. What factors may be said to determine the decisions with regard to similarity and difference?
We come somewhat closer to an answer in the replies to the following question: "Which characteristics in the other sets resemble most closely (a) 'quick' of Set 1? (b) 'quick' of Set 2? (c) 'helpful' of Set 1? (d) 'helpful' of Set 2?" The results appear in Table 13.
We see that qualities which, abstractly taken, are identical, are infrequently equated, while qualities which are abstractly opposed are equated with greater frequency. For example, the quality "quick" of Sets 1 and 2 is matched in only 22 and 25 per cent of the cases, respectively, while "quick" of Set 1 is, in 32 per cent of the cases, matched with "slow" of Set 3, and "quick" of Set 2 with "slow" of Set 4 in 51 per cent of the cases.
At this point the reports of the subjects become very helpful. They were requested at the conclusion to state in writing whether the quality "quick" in Sets 1 and 2 was identical or different, together with their reasons, and similarly to compare the quality "slow" in Sets 3 and 4. The written accounts permit of certain conclusions, which are stated below.
I. The content of the quality changes with a change in its environment.
The protocols Below, which are typical, will show that the "quicks" of Sets 1 and 2 are phenomenally different, and similarly for the "slows" of Sets 3 and 4.
The quickness of 1 is one of assurance, of smoothness of movement; that of 2 is a forced quickness, in an effort to be helpful.
1 is fast in a smooth, easy-flowing way; the other (2) is quick in a bustling way—the kind that rushes up immediately at your request and tips over the lamps.
3 takes his time in a deliberate way; 4 would like to work quickly, but cannot— there is something painful in his slowness. 3 is slow in a methodical, sure way, aiming toward perfection; in 4 it implies a certain heaviness, torpor.
2. The dynamic sources of the quality are relationally determined.
In the protocols we observe a process of mutual determination between traits. They are grasped as not simply contiguous to one another but in dynamic relation, in which one is determined by, or springs from, the other.
1 is quick because he is skillful; 2 is clumsy because he is so fast. Great skill gave rise to the speed of 1, whereas 2 is clumsy because he does everything so quickly.
The quality slow is, in person 3, something deliberately cultivated, in order to attain a higher order of skill.
In 3 slowness indicates care, pride in work well-done. Slowness in 4 indicates sluggishness, poor motor coordination, some physical retardation.
Speed and skill are not connected as are speed and clumsiness. Without exception, "quick" is perceived to spring from skill (skillful->quick); but the vector in Set 2 is reversed, "clumsy" becoming a consequence of speed (clumsy<-quick). While Sets 1 and 3 are identical with regard to the vectors, Set 2 is not equivalent to 4, the slowness and clumsiness of 4 being sensed as part of a single process, such as sluggishness and general retardation (slow<->clumsy).
3. Dynamic consequences are grasped in the interaction of qualities.
"Quick" and "skillful" (as well as "slow" and "skillful") are felt as cooperating, whereas "quick" and "clumsy" cancel one another.
2 drops everything fast. He is fast but accomplishes nothing. The clumsy man might be better off if he were slow.
The second person is futile; he is quick to come to your aid and also quick to get in your way and under your hair.
I can afford to be quick; 2 would be far better off if he took things more slowly.
In the light of these comments, which are representative, we are able to formulate the prevailing direction of the relations within the sets.
In Sets 1 and 3 the prevailing structure may be represented as:
"Quick-slow" derive their concrete character from the quality "skillful"; these in turn stand in a relation of harmony to "helpful," in the sense that they form a proper basis for it and make it possible. In Sets 2 and 4 the characteristic structures are as follows:
But now these stand in a relation of inherent contradiction to the quality "helpful," the fulfillment of which they negate.
Our results contain a proportion of cases (see Tables 12 and 13) that are contrary to the described general trend. These do equate the characteristic of 1 and 2 and of 3 and 4. They require explanation. It is especially important to decide whether the disagreements are capricious or whether they have an understandable basis. As a rule we find in these cases that the given quality is viewed in a narrower, more limited way. For example, these subjects view "quick" of Sets 1 and 2 in terms of sheer tempo, deliberately excluding for the moment considerations of fitness. The following protocols are illustrative:
These persons' reactions to stimuli are both quick, even though the results of their actions are in opposite directions.
They are both quick, but they differ in the success of their actions.
The two terms are basically the same, for both would execute their tasks with their individual maximum speed.
II. The reader will readily think of other sets of characteristics involving similar processes. In view of the fact that such analyses have not been previously reported, we select for brief description a few additional examples. The task was to state whether the term "aggressive" was alike or different in Sets 1 and 2, and 3 and 4, respectively. This example will be of particular interest to psychologists, in view of current discussions of aggressiveness.
SET 1: active, helpful, aggressive
SET 2: lazy, unhelpful, aggressive
SET 3: weak, sensitive, aggressive
SET 4: strong, self-centered, aggressive
Nineteen out of 20 subjects judge the term to be different in Sets 1 and 2; 17 out of 20 judge it to be different in Sets 3 and 4. Some representative reports follow:
The aggressiveness of 1 is friendly, open, and forceful; 2 will be aggressive when something offends him.
The aggressiveness of 1 is an expression of confidence in his abilities, of his strength of will and mind; in 2 it is a defensive measure to cover sensitivity.
3 will be aggressive to try to hide his weakness. The aggressiveness of 4 is a natural result of his strength and self-centeredness.
4 is aggressive because he has needs to be satisfied and wishes nothing to stand in his way; 3 has the aggressiveness of self-pity and indecision.
In nearly all cases the sources of aggression and its objects are sensed to be different. In consequence, the form it takes and its very psychological content become different in the series compared.
Substantially the same results are observed in another group in the comparison of "unaggressive" in Sets 1 and 2 below.
SET 1: active, helpful, unaggressive
SET 2: weak, sensitive, unaggressive
Twenty-eight out of 30 subjects call "unaggressive" different in the two series. Some of their reasons follow:
Unaggressive in 1 might mean that he does not push or force his way into things. In the second case it may mean meekness or fear of people.
1 does not care to be aggressive; 2 lacks the stamina for it.
2 does not fight back at the world nor try to rise above his weaknesses.
The word "aggressive" must have the same connotations in both cases; otherwise why not use different terms to express different things?
III. The second and third terms in Sets 1 and 2 below were compared, respectively.
SET 1: intelligent, critical, stubborn
SET 2: impulsive, critical, stubborn
All subjects in a group of 31 judged the term "critical" to be different in the two sets; while 19 (or 61 per cent) judged "stubborn" as different. A few of the remarks follow:
Critical:
1 is critical because he is intelligent; 2 because he is impulsive.
The intelligent individual is critical in a constructive manner; the impulsive one probably hurls criticism unthinkingly.
The intelligent person may be critical in a completely impersonal way; 2 may be critical of people, their actions, their dress, etc.
Stubborn:
The stubbornness of an intelligent person is more likely to be based on reason and it can be affected by reasoning.
The intelligent person might be stubborn about important things, things that mean something to him, that he knows something about; whereas an impulsive person might be stubborn just to be contrary.
An intelligent person may be stubborn because he has a reason for it and thinks it's the best thing to do, while an impulsive person may be stubborn because at the moment he feels like it.
Some representative statements defending the identity of "stubborn" in the two series follow:
Stubbornness to me is the same in any language. Of course, an intelligent person may have a better reason for being stubborn than an impulsive one, but that does not necessarily change the degree of stubbornness.
Both refuse to admit to anything that does not coincide with their opinion.
In my opinion there is only one kind of stubbornness—an unswerving desire either to do or not to do a certain thing.
IV. In the following series the second and third terms were to be compared:
SET 1: warm, witty, persuasive
SET 2: cold, witty, persuasive
Twenty-seven of 30 subjects judged "persuasive" as different; all judged "witty" to be different. A few of the comments follow:
Witty:
1 laughs with the audience; 2 is either laughing at or trying to make others laugh at some one. 2 is satirical, not humorous.
1 has a jolly and happy-go-lucky wit. 2 will use wit as one uses a bow and arrow— with precision. He will have a target which will not be missed.
The wit of the warm person touches the heart. The cold person's wit is touched with irony.
Persuasive:
1 is persuasive in trying to help others; 2 in trying to help himself.
2 may persuade through fear.
2 would be detached in his arguments; 1 would appeal more to the inner emotional being of others.
V. The term "gay" was compared in the following series:
SET 1: gay, intelligent, industrious
SET 2: gay, stupid, lazy
Twenty-seven of 30 subjects call "gay" different. Some representative reasons follow:
They may both be equally gay, but the former is different. The stupid person can be gay over serious, sad matters, while the intelligent person is gay with reason.
The first person's gaiety comes from fullness of life; 2 is gay because he knows no belter.
1 knows when to be gay and when not to be.
The gaiety of 1 is active and energetic; the gaiety of 2 is passive.
The intelligent person is gay in an intelligent way.
They are the same - gaiety has no relation to intelligence and industriousness.
The foregoing observations describe a process of relational determination of character-qualities. A given quality derives its full concrete content from its place within the system formed by the relations of the qualities. Some qualities are seen as a dynamic outgrowth of determining qualities. Qualities are seen to stand in a relation of harmony or contradiction to others within the system. These processes set requirements for the comparison of impressions. Identical qualities in different structures may cease to be identical: the vectors out of which they grow may alter, with the consequence that their very content undergoes radical change. In the extreme case, the same quality in two persons will have different, even opposed, meanings, while two opposed qualities will have the same function within their respective structures.
Discussion I
The investigations here reported have their starting-point in one problem and converge on one basic conclusion. In different ways the observations have demonstrated that forming an impression is an organized process; that characteristics are perceived in their dynamic relations; that central qualities are discovered, leading to the distinction between them and peripheral qualities; that relations of harmony and contradiction are observed. To know a person is to have a grasp of a particular structure.
Before proceeding it may be helpful to note two preliminary points. First: For the sake of convenience of expression we speak in this discussion of forming an impression of a person, though our observations are restricted entirely to impressions based on descriptive materials. We do not intend to imply that observations of actual persons would not involve other processes which we have failed to find under the present conditions; we are certain that they would. But we see no reason to doubt that the basic features we were able to observe are also present in the judgment of actual persons. Secondly: We have not dealt in this investigation with the role of individual differences, of which the most obvious would be the effect of the subject's own personal qualities on the nature of his impression. Though the issue of individual differences is unquestionably important, it seemed desirable to turn first to those processes which hold generally, despite individual differences. A proper study of individual differences can best be pursued when a minimum theoretical clarification has been reached.
Let us briefly reformulate the main points in the procedure of our subjects: