一、基本信任对基本不信任
作者: 埃里克森 / 948次阅读 时间: 2020年4月05日
来源: 《童年与社会》 标签: 基本不信任 基本信任 信任
www.psychspace.com心理学空间网

一、基本信任对基本不信任BASIC TRUST V. BASIC MISTRUST

The first demonstration of social trust in the baby is the ease of his feeding, the depth of his sleep, the relaxation of his Bowels. The experience of a mutual regulation of his increasingly receptive capacities with the maternal techniques of provision gradually helps him to balance the discomfort caused by the immaturity of homeostasis with which he was born. In his gradually increasing waking hours he finds that more and more adventures of the senses arouse a feeling of familiarity, of having coincided with a feeling of inner goodness. Forms of comfort, and people associated with them, become as familiar as the gnawing discomfort of the bowels. The infant's first social achievement, then, is his willingness to let the mother out of sight without undue anxiety or rage, because she has become an inner certainty as well as an outer predictability. Such consistency, continuity, and sameness of experience provide a rudimentary sense of ego identity which depends, I think, on the recognition that there is an inner population of remembered and anticipated sensations and images which are firmly COrrelated with the outer population of familiar and predictable things and people.

社会信任在婴儿身上的首次显现体现在他是否容易被喂养、是否容易入睡和肠道是否容易放松。他们关于与日俱增的接受能力和养育技巧相互调节的经历,帮助他们平衡体内不成熟造成的不适。在逐渐增加的清醒时刻,他们发现越来越多的冒险唤醒了一种熟悉感,与内心的善良感一致。舒适的形式,对婴儿来说如同肠道的不适一般熟悉。接着,婴儿的首次社会成就,便是他自愿让母亲远离视线,不会带着过度的焦虑或者愤怒,因为母亲已经变成一种内心确证的存在和外在可预见性的存在。这种具有连贯性、持续性以及一致性的经验提供了一种基本的自我同一性,我认为这种观念基于某种认可,是记忆中以及期望的感觉和图像的内在总体,同熟悉以及可预见的人与事物的外在总体有稳固的联系。

What we here call trust coincides with what Therese Benedek has called confidence. If I prefer the word 'trust', it is because there is more naivete and more mutuality in it: an infant can be said to be trusting where it would go too far to say that he has confidence. The general state of trust, furthermore, implies not only that one has learned to rely on the sameness and continuity of the outer providers, but also that one may trust oneself and the capacity of one's own organs to cope with urges; and that one is able to consider oneself trustworthy enough so that the providers will not need to be on guard lest they be nipped.

我在此所说的信任同特雷泽·贝内德克所说的信心是一致的。我倾向于用“信任”这个词,是因为这个单词暗含一种“天真”和“相关性”,我们可以说一个婴儿信任他人,而说他有信心就有些过头了。此外,信任的整体状态,不仅意味着一个人可以学习依靠外界养育者的同一性和持续性,也意味着他可以相信自己以及他自身的内脏器官在处理迫切需求方面的能力,他足够信任他人,不需要提防养育者偷偷溜走。

The constant tasting and testing of the relationship between inside and outside meets its crucial test during the rages of the biting stage, when the teeth cause pain from within and when outer friends either prove of no avail or withdraw from the only action which promises relief: biting. Not that teething itself seems to cause all the dire consequences sometimes ascribed to it. As outlined earlier, the infant now is driven to内在与外在的联系在啮咬阶段的愤怒——当牙齿从内部萌出,带来疼痛,而外部的友人既无法证明这种疼痛有用,也无法许诺这种疼痛会减轻——中迎来了最具决定性的考验。虽然有时婴儿会把所有可怕的结果归因于长牙,但并不是长牙导致了所有可怕的结果。如同前面所讲的那样,婴儿现在被迫“攫取”更多,但他们会倾向于寻找那渴望却闪躲开的存在——乳头和胸部以及母亲的关注与关怀。长牙看上去具有原型的意义,可能是受虐倾向的起源。每当个体无法阻止重大损失时,他便可以从享受疼痛中获得安慰。

In psychopathology the absence of basic trust can best be studied in infantile schizophrenia, while lifelong underlying weakness of such trust is apparent in adult personalities in whom withdrawal into schizoid and depressive states is habitual. The re-establishment of a state of trust has been found to be the basic requirement for therapy in these cases. For no matter what conditions may have caused a psychotic break, the bizarreness and withdrawal in the behaviour of many very sick individuals hides an attempt to recover social mutuality by a t~sting of the borderlines between senses and physical re(lJity, between words and social meanings.

我们可以在婴儿的精神分裂症中看到基本信任的缺失。这种信任的缺失会表现在成年人的个性中,他们会“缩进”精神分裂中,进入抑郁状态。重获信任感成为治疗这些病人的关键。许多病人的古怪或退行性行为之中都隐含了他们试图通过检验情感与物理现实、语言与其社会含义之间的界限,来修复其社会关系。

Psychoanalysis assumes the early process of differentiationbetween inside and outside to be the origin of projection andintrojection which remain some of our deepes~ and mostdangerous defence mechanisms. In introjection we feel and actas if an outer goodness had become an inner certainty. Inprojection, we experience an inner harm as an outer one: weendow significant people with the evil which actually is in us.These two mechanisms, then, projection and introjection, areassumed to be modelled after whatever goes on in infants whenthey would like to externalize pain and internalize pleasure, anintent which must yield to the testimony of the maturing sensesand ultimately of reason. These mechanisms are, more or lessnormally, reinstated in acute crises of love, trust, and faith inadulthood and can characterize irrational attitudes towardsadversaries and enemies in masses of精神分析假设内部与外部的早期分化过程是内摄和投射——仍然是我们最深入和最危险的防御机制——的起源。在内摄中,我们感觉客观世界的善变成了精神世界的确定事物。而在投射中,我们感觉内部的伤害如同来自外部世界。我们赋予重要他人有意义的恶,事实上这邪恶却是存在于我们自身的。内摄和投射这两种机制被认为是婴儿将痛苦外化,将快乐内化的时候成型的。当个体在成年时期遭遇了和爱、信任以及忠诚相关的危机,便会使用这些机制,并对大量“成熟”个体中的对手和敌人产生非理性的态度。

The firm establishment of enduring patterns for the solutionof the nuclear conflict of basic trust versus basic mistrust in mere existence is the first task of the ego, and thus first of all atask for maternal care. But let it be said here that the amount oftrust derived from earliest infantile experience does not seem todepend on absolute quantities of food or demonstrations oflove,but rather on the quality of the maternal relationship. Motherscreate a sense of trust in their children by that kind of administrationwhich in its qual~ty combines sensitive care of the baby'sindividual needs and a firm sense of personal trustworthinesswithin the trusted framework of their culture's life style. Thisforms the basis in the child for a sense of identity which willlater combine a sense of being 'all right', of being oneself, andof becoming what other people trust one will become. Thereare, therefore (within certain limits previously defined as the'musts' of child care), few frustrations in either this or the followingstages which the growing child cannot endure if the frustrationleads to the ever renewed experience of greater samenessand stronger continuity of development, towards a final integrationof the individual life-cycle with some meaningful widerbelongingness. Parents must not only have certain ways ofguiding by prohibition and permission; they must also be ableto represent to the child a deep, an almost somatic convictionthat there is a meaning to what they are doing. Ultimately,children become neurotic not from frustrations, but from thelack or loss of societal meaning in these frustrations.

确立解决基本存在中基本信任与基本不信任之间的核心冲突的持久模式是自我的首要任务,也是所有母性关怀的首要任务。然而,源自婴儿早期经验的信任并不取决于食物的绝对数量或者爱的表露程度,而是取决于与母亲关系的品质。母亲通过某种方式在孩子心中留下了信任的观念。这种方式把对婴儿需要的敏锐关注和个人信任感与其所处文化的信任结构结合起来。它构成了儿童身份感的基础,这种身份感在稍后会同做“正确的”事情、做自己以及“成为他人相信其会成为的人”的想法结合在一起。因此,如果某种挫折导致个体产生了强烈的一致性和连续性体验,给个体带来了归属感,促进了个人生命周期的最终整合,那么无论在当前阶段,还是在接下来的阶段,个体都很少会遇到不能承受的挫折。父母不能只通过禁止和允许来指引孩子,还要向孩子们指出他们所做之事的意义。儿童会变得神经质并不是由挫折引起的,而是由这些挫折缺乏社会意义引起的。

The firm establishment of enduring patterns for the solution of the nuclear conflict of basic trust versus basic mistrust in mere existence is the first task of the ego, and thus first of all a task for maternal care. But let it be said here that the amount of trust derived from earliest infantile experience does not seem to depend on absolute quantities of food or demonstrations oflove, but rather on the quality of the maternal relationship. Mothers create a sense of trust in their children by that kind of administration which in its qual~ty combines sensitive care of the baby's individual needs and a firm sense of personal trustworthiness within the trusted framework of their culture's life style. This forms the basis in the child for a sense of identity which will later combine a sense of being 'all right', of being oneself, and of becoming what other people trust one will become. There are, therefore (within certain limits previously defined as the 'musts' of child care), few frustrations in either this or the following stages which the growing child cannot endure if the frustration leads to the ever renewed experience of greater sameness and stronger continuity of development, towards a final integration of the individual life-cycle with some meaningful wider belongingness. Parents must not only have certain ways of guiding by prohibition and permission; they must also be able to represent to the child a deep, an almost somatic conviction that there is a meaning to what they are doing. Ultimately, children become neurotic not from frustrations, but from the lack or loss of societal meaning in these frustrations.

But, even under the most favourable circumstances, this stage seems to introduce into psychic life (and become prototypical for) a sense of inner division and universal nostalgia for a paradise forfeited. It is against this powerful combination of a sense of having been deprived, of having been divided, and of having been abandoned that basic trust must maintain itself throughout life.

但是就算在最顺利的环境下,这一阶段看上去也将内在划分的感觉和对失去的天堂的思念引入了精神生活。在与一种综合的被剥夺、被分割、被抛弃的感觉的对抗中,基本信任得到了维系。

Each successive stage and crisis has a special relation to one of the basic elements of society, and this for the simple reason that the human life-cycle and man's institutions have evolved together. In this chapter we can do little more than mention, after the description of each stage, what basic element of social organization is related to it. This relation is two-fold: man brings to these institutions the remnants of his infantile mentality and his youthful fervour, and he receives from them - as long as they manage to maintain their actuality - a reinforcement of his infantile gains.

每一个阶段的危机与社会的基本因素之间都存在特殊的联系,这是因为人类的生命周期以及社会组织是共同发展的。在这一章里,我们将在对每一阶段的描述中提到与之相关的社会组织的基本要素。个体把朝气和活力带到社会组织中,同时他们的朝气与活力也在社会组织中得到强化。

The parental faith which supports the trust emerging in the newborn has throughout history sought its institutional safeguard (and, on occasion, found its greatest enemy) in organized religion. Trust born of care is, in fact, the touchstone of the actuality of a given religion. All religions have in common the periodical childlike surrender to a Provider or providers who dispense earthly fortune as well as spiritual health; some demonstration of man's smallness by way of reduced posture and humble gesture; the admission in prayer and song of misdeeds, of misthoughts, and of evil intentions; fervent appeal for inner unification by divine guidance; and finally, the insight that individual trust must become a common faith, individual mistrust a commonly formulated evil, while the individual's restoration must become part of the ritual practice of many, and must become a sign of trustworthiness in the community .. We have illustrated how tribes dealing with one segment of nature develop a collective magic which seems to treat the Supernatural Providers of food and fortune as if they were angry and must be appeased by prayer and self-torture. Primitive religions, the most primitive layer in all religions, and the religious layer in each individual, abound with efforts at atonement which try to make up for vague deeds against a maternal matrix and try to' restore faith in the goodness of one's strivings and in the kindness of the powers of the universe.

支撑着新生儿的信任的父母信仰,自古以来一直在寻找它在系统化的宗教中的安全保障(以及最大的敌人)。自关怀中产生的信任,事实上是检验特定宗教的现实标准。所有宗教通常都会定期如孩童般地听从布道者们的摆布,由他们施与世人财富以及精神上的健康。祈祷者会通过做出谦恭的姿态来展现人类的渺小,坦白罪行、错误想法以及邪恶意图,在神圣的指引下祈求内在统一。最终,我们了解到,个人的信任必须变为一种普遍信仰,个人的不信任通常会成为邪恶,个人的修复必须变成许多仪式性活动的一部分,也必须成为集体中信任的标记。[1]我曾阐述过印第安部落是如何发展出一种集体魔法来应对自然的,就好像超自然的食物和财富提供者发怒了,必须通过祈祷和苦行才能平息这种愤怒一样。原始宗教——所有宗教最基本的层面,也是每一个体的宗教层面——在为补偿对抗母体的行为以及从个人努力和宇宙力量中获得信任方面,做出了各种努力。

Each society and each age must find the institutionalized form of reverence which derives vitality from its world-image - from predestination to indeterminacy. The clinician can only observe that many are proud to be without religion whose children cannot afford their being without it. On the other hand, there are many who seem to derive a vital faith from social action or scientific pursuit. And again, there are many who profess faith, yet in practice breathe mistrust both of life and man.

每一个社会以及每一个时代都必须找到敬畏——从世界图像中获得活力——的制度化模式。临床医生只能观察到许多人为没有宗教信仰而骄傲,而他们的孩子则离开它就活不了。从另一方面来说,有许多人看上去从社会活动或者科学追求中得到了重要的信仰。此外,也有很多人自称有信仰,实际上却对生活和人类充满了不信任。

This is the communal and psychosocial side of religion. Its often paradoxical relation to the spirituality of the individual is a matter not to be treated briefly and in passing (see Young Man Luther).www.psychspace.com心理学空间网
TAG: 基本不信任 基本信任 信任
«埃里克森和莱文森的发展理论 12 埃里克森 | Erik H Erikson
《12 埃里克森 | Erik H Erikson》
二、自主对羞耻、怀疑»