内在工作模式

Internal working models

精神分析学家Morris Eagle（1995:136）指出“对人们是如何延续他们的病理症状的，当代和古典精神分析理论明显关注地太少了，尤其是人们适应不良的关系模式。”他认为，与依恋理论研究中对实际行为、目标、和策略的高度关注相比，这形成了反差。基于Bowlby之前的研究，经验的意义通过内在工作模型进行编码，并指导之后的预期和行为。也就是说，直到不太容易进入现有心智模型的新经验累积到一个最佳点，内在模型才会被更新和修改。这一心理发展过程，即皮亚杰经典认知发展理论中的“适应”。

Psychoanalytic theorist Morris Eagle (1995:136) points out that ‘contemporary and classical psychoanalytic theory has paid remarkably little attention to what people actually do to perpetuate their pathology, particularly, their maladaptive relationship patterns’. He contrasts this with the almost exclusive focus upon actual behaviour, goals, and strategies in attachment theory and research, based on Bowlby’s premise about the way the meaning of experiences is encoded in the internal working model thereafter guiding expectations and behaviour. That is, until new experiences that don’t fit easily into an existing mental model accumulate to a point where, optimally, there is updating and revision of that inner model—the process of psychological development or ‘accommodation’ in Piaget’s classic account of the presumed universal stages of cognitive development.

自我与依恋对象（们）的内部工作模型，组织了关系中的思想与情感，并引导预期，在经典精神分析思维和认知心理学之间，产生了一种结合体。Bowlby直接指出，我们每个人都带有自己的自我和他者（other）表征，自我与他者有着隐喻性的交流。所以他人经常不自觉地卷入到与我们的交流中，如我们试图控制的一样。同样的，如Sandler的角色反应理论表明，“这是两个人的探戈” (see Sandler 1987)。无论是亲生父母，养父母，老师，或者幼儿工作者，成人与儿童互动的挑战，是需要意识到孩子希望以什么样的曲调来与我们跳舞，以及我们如何才能帮助他们获得快乐、责任感和建立信心的活动，促进他们的发展。

The idea of an internal working model of self and attachment figure(s) which organises thoughts and feelings regarding relationships and guides expectations arose out of a synthesis between classical psychoanalytic thinking and cognitive psychology. Bowlby points directly to the notion that we each carry within ourselves a representation of the self and other, and the self in metaphorical conversation with the other. Thus others are often unwittingly drawn into conversation with us, on the terms we attempt to dictate. But equally, as Sandler’s theory of role responsiveness indicates, ‘it takes two to tango’ (see Sandler 1987). The challenge for adults interacting with children, whether they be natural parents, adoptive parents, teachers, or child care workers, is to recognise the tunes children wish for us to dance to, and help them achieve joyful, responsible and confidence-building movements that advance their development.

儿童依恋内部工作模式的方法，不仅影响了对他人的看法和期望，也同样可能引发他人的行为和反应，这已经被依恋研究阐明。例如，Eagle (1995)对Alan Sroufe早期母婴依恋的纵向研究引起了注意，在一个高风险样本中，幼儿园老师表达了他们对孩子们的感受，他们都不知道这些孩子的早期依恋模式。对那些在12个月大被归为安全依恋的孩子，老师们报告说他们感到温暖，放松和积极。

The ways in which the internal working model of attachment within the child not only influences beliefs and expectations about others, but equally may elicit behaviours and responses in others, has been illustrated by attachment research. For example, Eagle (1995) draws attention to Alan Sroufe’s longitudinal study of early infant-mother attachment in a high-risk sample where nursery teachers expressed their feelings about children, whose early attachment patterns were unknown to them. The teachers reported that they felt warmly, uncontrolling and positive to the children who had been classified as securely attached at age 12 months.

形成反差的是，那些婴儿期形成回避型依恋的孩子，老师的感受和行为都更加愤怒，控制和负面。进一步的，那些焦虑／抵抗型的孩子唤起老师们过度的养育和宽容，但也表达出他们期望被控制。更重要的是，对于两个不安全的群体，老师们没有期望，这些孩子们会表现出与同龄人相匹配的举止。Sroufe认为：孩子们对老师表达的行为，会反过来唤起老师特别的反应，这些行为非常类似于孩子们期望从他们的照顾者那里获得的。至于照顾者内在的工作模型，即管理照顾者对婴儿期待的过程，这个领域已经被大力研究超过15年。这一时期的依恋研究由“移动到表征水平” (Main et al. 1985)发起，推动了访谈技术的发展，引发了对成人内在自我表征，依恋模式，和情绪调节的内隐模式的研究。访谈被称为成人依恋访谈或AAI。它已经被儿童治疗，精神分析，和越来越多的社会工作圈众所周知。AAI非常重视成人的无意识心理和情感过程，其既定的目标是“惊醒无意识” (George 等人 1985)。因此，精神分析临床医生，传统性地有理由警惕实证主义和其他限制性的心理特征研究，并倾向于对它们保持注意。

This contrasted with the teachers’ self-reports of feeling and behaving in a more angry, controlling and negative manner to those children who had been avoidantly attached as infants. Further, the teachers report that the anxious/resistant children provoked unduly nurturant and tolerant behaviour but also expressed their expectations to be controlling with them. Importantly, for both the insecure groups the teachers did not have expectations that the children would behave in an age-appropriate manner with their peers. Sroufe makes the point that the behaviours the children expressed to their teachers, which in turn provoked a particular teacher response, was very akin to what the children had come to expect from their caregivers. As for the internal working models within caregivers, i.e. those processes which govern what caregivers expect of their infants, this is an area that has been vigorously researched for more than 15 years. This period in attachment research was initiated by the ‘move to the level of representation’ (Main et al. 1985) and involved the development of an interview technique which elicits the adult’s internal representations of self, attachment figure(s), and implicit strategies for regulating emotional arousal. The interview is known as the Adult Attachment Interview or AAI. It is already well known in child psychotherapeutic, psychoanalytic, and increasingly social work circles. The AAI takes seriously the role of unconscious mental and emotional processes in the adult. Its stated aim is to ‘surprise the unconscious’ (George et al. 1985). Thus, psychoanalytic clinicians, traditionally and justifiably wary of the positivistic and otherwise limiting features of psychological research, were inclined to take notice.

毫无疑问，政治和经济趋势要求“循证”治疗，这使得人们对AAI的兴趣与日俱增，可以说这是一个在正确时间，正确地点出现的工具。因为AAI关键依靠倾听成人讲故事，用他或她自己的语言讲述他们的家族历史。临床工作者接受训练倾听病人，他们很快就很欣赏这种方法。相对来说，临床工作者倾向于依靠直觉，虽然也很有根据，来分析病人必要的材料，但是他们只治疗相对较少的病人。AAI研究人员通过对照，可以从相对较大的个人群体中收集信息，并通过一份较长的指引表格工具，提供一套严密和详细的分析方法(Main and Goldwyn 1998). 在一个受过训练的评估者手中，将会很可靠地测量出被访者大致的童年经历，他们现有的心理状态涉及到依恋关系，以及成年人依恋模式的分类。基于过去的缺失和创伤，依恋和照顾的成人内部工作模型，可被称为自发性－安全，不安全－拒绝，不安全－入侵，未解决。在不同的文化和语言情境中，都观察到成人的内部工作模式绘制到了母婴的依恋模式中（安全，回避，拒绝，混乱），代际间的一致性已经被广泛地报告(见 Hesse 1999; van Uzendoorn 1995; Steele et al. 1996)。

No doubt the political and economic climate demanding ‘evidenced-based’ treatments has contributed to the growing interest in the AAI, an instrument which may be said to have appeared at the right time, and in the right place. Because the AAI depends crucially upon listening to the adult tell a story, in his or her own words, of their family history, the clinician —trained to listen to the patient—can readily appreciate the method. Whereas the clinician tends to rely on intuition, however well grounded, in order to analyse the patient’s material of necessity they deal with relatively small numbers of patients. The AAI researcher by contrast is able to collect information from relatively large groups of individuals and to apply a rigorous and detailed method of analysis, with a lengthy written set of guidelines (Main and Goldwyn 1998). In the hands of a trained rater, this leads to a highly reliable measurement of the interviewee’s probable childhood experiences, and their current state of mind regarding attachment, as well as to classification of the adult’s overall pattern of attachment. The now well-known patterns of attachment, expressions of the adult’s internal working model of attachment and caregiving, are the patterns termed autonomous-secure, insecure-dismissing, insecure-preoccupied and/or unresolved with regard to past loss or trauma. In diverse cultural and linguistic settings, these adult patterns have been observed to map onto the infant-parent patterns of attachment (secure, avoidant, resistant, disorganised respectively), and thus intergenerational consistency has been widely reported (see Hesse 1999; van Uzendoorn 1995; Steele et al. 1996).

AAI的结构完全围绕依恋主题，主要是儿童时期，个人与母亲和父亲的关系（和/或其他照顾者）。被试者被要求描述他们在童年时期与父母的关系，并提供具体的记忆，以支持总体的评估。测试的效力取决于通过系统方法引发的依恋故事。值得注意的是，AAI的问题可以看作包含了三个不同的有挑战性的询问模式：探索与依恋相关的记忆，评估现状，过去与依恋相关的痛苦经历。首先，有一些提问，询问负面的经验和相关的情绪，这是每个人的童年经历的一部分，包括情绪性的不安，身体伤害，疾病和与父母的分离。第二，有一些提问是和特定人群有关的，关于童年经历的负面体验和相关情感，包括丧失和虐待。第三，有一些提问，需要被访问者思考一下童年依恋体验给成年后性格所带来的意义与影响，包括请他给出解释，为什么父母在他童年时会如此行为？更重要的是，受训的评估者，首先要在与过去体验和现在心境依恋状态相关的9个方面对叙事进行打分。评估者对过去经验最值得关注的方面是：在被访问者的童年，母亲和父亲是如何爱、拒绝、忽视和角色逆转的，这正是一个例子，可以阐释Bowlby提出的儿童期被看护的实际经验的重要性。评估与现在“心境”相关的依恋维度，包括关注父母特定心理表征的情感品质，例如对父母各自的理想化、愤怒和贬损的程度。此外，对被访者心境的评估，将更加全面的考虑包括叙事的一致性，被动性，和元认知迹象的程度(Main and Goldwyn 1998)。特别值得注意的，是它的临床意义，我们已经参与了一个在伦敦的项目，发展元认知评分（对自己思维过程的意识化），包括作为自己和他人行为动机的心境状态的意识化过程(Fonagy et al. 1991)。这方面的努力已引发“反思功能”概念的发展，我们规范地来看，这已经超出了我们内在世界里，或多或少准确地由照顾者带来的儿童早期经验。(e.g. Fonagy et al. 1995)。更进一步的，由于童年早期缺乏看护者的共情回应，反思功能可能会明显地被抑制或扭曲。在这种情况下，可以预期儿童和成人的心理病理结果的增长。

The AAI is structured entirely around the topic of attachment, principally the individual’s relationship to mother and to father (and/or to alternative caregivers) during childhood. Subjects are asked to describe their relationship with their parents during childhood and to provide specific memories to support global evaluations. The interview’s power rests in the systematic method of eliciting this attachment story. Notably, AAI questions may be seen to comprise three distinct challenging modes of inquiry into memories for, and current evaluations of, past experiences of attachment-related distress. First, there are questions that ask about negative experiences and related emotions which are part of everyone’s childhood experiences, including emotional upset, physical hurt, illness and separations from parents. Second, there are questions about negative experiences and related emotions that are part of some people’s childhood experiences, including loss and abuse. And, third, there are questions which demand that the speaker think about the possible meaning and influence upon adult personality of childhood attachment experiences, including requests that the speaker provide an account of why parents behaved as they did during childhood. Importantly, the trained rater first scores the narrative on a number of nine-point dimensions pertaining to probable past experience and current state of mind concerning attachment. The dimensions of probable past experience to which the rater pays immediate attention is how loving, rejecting, neglecting and role reversing each parent was during the interviewee’s childhood, exemplifying Bowlby’s notion of the importance of actual experiences with caregivers during childhood. The dimensions of current ‘state of mind’ concerning attachment which are rated include attention to the emotional quality of parent-specific mental representations, e.g. the extent to which each parent is spoken of with idealisation, anger or derogation. Additionally, state of mind of the interviewee is rated in terms of more global considerations including the extent to which the narrative is coherent, passive, and showing signs of metacognition (Main and Goldwyn 1998). Noteworthy, especially for its clinical relevance, is that we have been involved in a London-based effort to extend the scoring of metacognition (awareness of one’s own thought processes) to include awareness of mental states as motivators of behaviour in oneself and others (Fonagy et al. 1991). This effort has led to the development of the concept of ‘reflective functioning’ which we see as normatively growing out of early childhood experiences of having our inner worlds reflected upon more or less accurately by caregivers (e.g. Fonagy et al. 1995). Further, reflective functioning may be markedly inhibited or skewed as a result of deficient empathic responsiveness from caregivers in early childhood. In such circumstances, an elevated likelihood of psychopathological child and adult outcomes may be expected.

另一个非常重要的考虑是，在依恋会谈中进行评估和分类时，要关注过去的丧失和创伤。当有清楚的证据表明一个显著的丧失或创伤（物理和/或性虐待）时，评估者将根据一系列的指定原则(Main and Goldwyn 1998)，来评估过去的创伤解决的程度。总之，这取决于决定让多少超载的负面体验被确认并以这样的一种方式来讲述，这也意味着他们获得了多少属于过去的特性。在理性监督下谈论过去的丧失或创伤时，会出现一些遗漏，此时未处理的哀伤是最值得注意的。(after Main and Goldwyn 1998)。例如，在回朔丧失发生时，让当事人充分地意识到这个丧失已经永远发生，这是非常重要的。在谈及童年时期的虐待时，让当事人立即意识到自己遭受了虐待，同时也让他们明白自己不应为所遭受的虐待负责。解决当事人问题的重要线索，是仔细研究对创伤的逻辑性时间性的叙述得出的，不能太过简略，这意味着企图降低创伤的重要性，也不能太过细节，这意味着在持续吸收创伤带来的伤害。

A further important consideration when rating and classifying attachment interviews concerns past loss and trauma. When there is clear evidence of a significant loss or trauma (physical and/or sexual abuse) the judge follows a number of specified guidelines (Main and Goldwyn 1998) for assessing the extent to which the past trauma is resolved. In sum, this comes down to determining the extent to which the overwhelmingly negative experiences are (a) identified as such and (b) spoken about in such a way as to indicate that they have acquired the characteristics of belonging to the past. Unresolved mourning is most notable when there are lapses in the monitoring of reason or discourse when discussing the past loss and/or trauma (after Main and Goldwyn 1998). For example, where loss has occurred, it is important for the speaker to demonstrate full awareness of the permanence of this loss. And, where abuse has occurred in speakers’ childhood experiences, it is important for speakers to at once acknowledge the abuse, and also show that they understand they are not responsible for the maltreatment they suffered. Important clues as to the extent of resolution in the speaker’ s mind follow from careful study of the narrative for a logical and temporally sequenced account of the trauma which is neither too brief, suggesting an attempt to minimise the significance of the trauma, nor too detailed, suggesting ongoing absorption.

在多个独立研究中，当母亲们被问到AAI文本中关于过去的丧失和/或虐待的内容，那些未解决创伤的母亲的回应可能导致混乱型的母婴依恋。Main和Hesse (1990)的推测已经证实，令人恐惧的或者自身感觉恐惧的母亲的行为是影响依恋的关键。简而言之，一个经常被过去的鬼魂折磨的女人，可能在她的婴儿的体验中不知不觉地创造出一种潜在的和持续的对于关系的恐惧。

Unresolved responses of mothers when asked about past loss and/or abuse in the AAI context have been linked, in multiple independent investigations, to disorganised/ disoriented attachments in the infant-mother attachment. Main and Hesse (1990) speculated, and subsequent research (Lyons-Ruth and Jacobvitz 1999; Schuengel et al. 1999) has confirmed, that frightening or frightened maternal behaviour is the likely intervening mechanism. Put simply, a woman who is still frequently haunted by ghosts from her past is likely to create, however unwittingly, in her infant’s experience an ongoing sense of potential terror in the relationship.

这种现象最近已经在以色列进行调查研究，那里有相当数量的祖母，于婴儿早期，在纳粹大屠杀期间失去了双亲。许多这些从大屠杀中幸存下来的儿童，失去了家庭，定居以色列，建立了新的家庭。Sagi-Schwartz等人（2003）研究了这些人，去观察大屠杀造成的创伤体验可能在多大程度上传递到第二代（女儿），和第三代（1岁的孙子）。sagischwartz等人进行的社区样本调查（相比较于临床报告），发现第一代受伤父母有着惊人的恢复力，他们在童年遭受了非人的暴行，所以尽力让他们的孩子和孙子免受不利的影响。与对照组（10%未处理）相比，祖母中有50%未处理的哀伤，但这部分没有传递给女儿们，她们没有被观察到对自己的孩子呈现出可怕的母性行为。这些祖母们可能已经可以控制住大屠杀经历带来的影响，因为大屠杀创伤并没有造成依恋经历中最痛苦的体验。那就是，被父母或可信赖的依恋对象打击创伤，例如遭受儿童虐待的受害者。同时，这些祖母们创伤前的依恋体验，也就是在纳粹杀害她们的父母之前，应当在很大程度上是足够好的，因此有助于这些孩子可以隔离掉完全由“其他人”，那些几乎匿名的非人的社会政治力量（纳粹）所带来的创伤。最后，这些幸存的孩子／母亲／祖母们在大屠杀后的环境中收集了相当的力量和宽容，她们找到了自己。在以色列的环境下，大量的幸存者贡献了力量建立一个新的国家，这与大屠杀的集体记忆不无关系。

This phenomenon has recently been investigated in the Israeli context, where there is a substantial number of grandmothers who lost both parents in early childhood during the Nazi Holocaust. Many of these child survivors of the Holocaust, bereft of family, settled in Israel and established new families. Sagi-Schwartz et al. (2003) have studied this population in order to observe the extent to which these traumatic Holocaust experiences may have been transmitted to the second genera tion (the daughters), and the third generation (the 1-year-old grandchildren). SagiSchwartz et al. ’ s investigation of this remarkable community-based sample (as compared to clinical reports) has revealed a phenomenal resilience in the way the first generation of traumatised parents, who had suffered inhuman atrocities during their childhood, managed to insulate their children (and grandchildren) from being adversely affected as well. The grandmothers did show an elevated (50%) level of unresolved mourning, in contrast to a matched comparison group (10% unresolved), but this was not transmitted to the daughters, who in turn were not observed to display frightening maternal behaviour to their infants. These grandmothers may have been able to keep the influence of their horrendous experiences in check because the Holocaust trauma did not entail the cruellest of all attachment experiences. That is, the infliction of trauma by one’s parents or other trusted attachment figures, as is the case in victims of child abuse. Also, the pre-traumatic attachment experiences of these grandmothers, i.e. before the Nazis murdered their parents, would have been largely good enough and thus helped insulate the children against the trauma later perpetrated by an utterly ‘other’, almost anonymous inhuman social-political force (the Nazis). Finally , these child survivors/mothers/ grandmothers would have gleaned considerable strength and forbearance from the post-Holocaust environment they found themselves in, i.e. the Israeli context where a large number of survivors contributed directly to building a nation not unrelated to a collective memory of the Holocaust.

可以说，儿童早期的依恋经验并不会直接影响成人以后的依恋情感，信念和行为。只有当父母具有潜在的害怕或恐惧的行为，而儿童成年后不能接受他们不幸的过往，有许多难以处理的哀悼，创伤的依恋经验才会发挥作用。访谈过程中话语的连贯性，体现了“修通”和面对经验的能力，这似乎是可支撑访谈者的最小防御策略。通过访谈可以揭示困难和痛苦的经验，并把它们整合到当前的体现亲密关系价值观的依恋态度中。来看下面这个例子，回顾一个30岁的女性的童年，她有一个经常生病的母亲，高度地控制，偶尔还虐待她，她就是经历了如此的教养方式。请她用形容词来描述一下她与母亲的关系，其中一个词是她“害怕”母亲，她说：

“这一件事，……才让我意识到自己是个成年人，这一次我明白了很多事，嗯，她用生病的方式来保持控制，所以你总是害怕，如果你做错了什么，她就会生病，这就是你的错，这是一个循环，我记得非常清楚，那时我大概5岁或6岁。当你慢慢长大，你学会了如何与此相处，但我永远记得，在那个年纪非常的沮丧害怕，感到威胁。”

Arguably, attachment experiences in early childhood never lead directly to the attachment emotions, beliefs, and behaviour in adult. Traumatic attachment experiences are only associated with unresolved mourning in an adult, and potentially frightening or frightened behaviour in a parent, if the adult has been unable to come terms with their unfavourable past. The ability to ‘work through’ and come to terms with one’s experience is reflected in the coherence of discourse in the interview context and this appears to be underpinned by a minimal reliance on defensive strategies. The result is an interview which can reveal difficult and painful experiences that are integrated into a present-day attitude towards attachments, which conveys a valuing of intimate relationships. Consider the following example of a 30-year-old woman recalling what it was like for her as a child to have a mother who was physically ill much of the time and prone to a highly controlling, occasionally abusive, style of parenting. When asked to think about the adjective she provided in describing her relationship with her mother as one in which she was ‘scared’ this mother said:

One thing...which Fve only realised since Fve been an adult and which, once I realised, helped me to understand a lot of things, um, was that her way of keeping control was to be ill, so you, one was always scared if you did something wrong then she’d be ill and it was your fault, so that was the cycle that I remember very clearly, about five or six years old...you learn to live with that as you get older but at that age I remember being very upset and threatened.

这一摘录在我们的反思功能指数中评分很高，因为这位母亲展示了发展视角的能力，她在成年后对童年生活中的事件会有不同的理解。她还能够把她母亲的身体疾病与心理状态联系起来，理解是什么导致母亲形成了一种控制的行为。她令人印象深刻地展现了用词汇描述情感和心理的能力。显然，在她的关系经验和内在世界中，有一些明显的不连续性，有助于她形成弹性的立场。

This excerpt scores highly on our index of reflective functioning as this mother-tobe demonstrates a capacity for a developmental perspective, seeing how events in her childhood would be understood differently in adulthood. She is also able to connect her mother’s physical illness with a psychological state of mind that led her to behave in a controlling way, and she demonstrates an impressive lexicon for describing affect and mental states. Clearly, in her relationship experiences, and inner world, there have been some marked discontinuities contributing to a resilient stance.